Whether the erasures are intentional or inadvertent, the result is a breakdown in professional community through failure to engage reasoned and textually grounded but critical and innovative discourse. Kuipers can write, "Hubbard's revolution lies in reading Vergil's collection as a recapitulation of a cycle of development, shaped as the poet would have it." Yet Hubbard is far from the first to offer such an approach to the Liber Bucolicon.
For discussion of Virgil's coherent book design and its impact on other
poets
Kuipers might have cited from the Bryn Mawr Classical Review
Van Sickle
on Martindale, Hinds and Cameron[http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/bmcr/1998/1998-11-39.html],
which builds on,e.g., Augustan Poetry Books (Arethusa 1980).
Also for comparatists there was the wide-ranging and cross-disciplinary
Poems in Their Places. The Intertextuality
and Order of Poetic Collections,
Neil Fraistat, ed. (Chapel Hill 1986).
It included William S. Anderson, "Poetic Arrangement fromVergil to
Ovid," which cited as "the most persuasive portrait of theEclogues, arguing
cogently for what he calls an 'ideological order'" my own The
Design of Virgil's Bucolics (Rome 1978).
It is a measure of Kuipers' inexperience that he can buy into the scholiastic simplification,perpetuated by Hubbard, that somehow "Eclogues 1-3 follow Theocritus most closely and humbly" despite, e.g., urbem quam dicunt Romam...Iouis omnia plena...illi mea carmina curae. What Kuipers calls "Hubbard's revolution" might more accurately bedescribed as the erasure of a detailed and developed line of interpretation. Scholars often feel the need to erase in order create Lebensraum for themselves in a crowded field, as echoes from the College Art Association suggest. How such erasure can produce a flawed and reductive account of Virgil's designs will be the subject of a forthcoming study.
Yet the program of the American Philological Association annual meeting
in New York, December 20, 1976, included a paper,
"Virgil's
6th Eclogue and the Poetics of Middle Style," and John Pinsent published
the abstract, which began:
| "In the last 15 years, some scholars have come to view the 6th eclogue
as a general'declaration of Callimachean faith', which enuciates a program
of 'slightstyle' for Virgil's entire eclogue book. The present paper would
modifythis view, suggesting that it arises from a natural reaction but
risksfinally over-reacting to the discovery of a prologue for Callimachus'Aitia.
The paper argues that Virgil in B. 6 deliberately altersCallimachus, rather
than simply taking over the canon of 'slight style',and that the allusion
to the Aitia sets a poetic direction not for theentire book but at most
for the second half."
(LCM 2, 1977, 107-8, now on line: http://academic.brooklyn.cuny.edu/classics/jvsickle/bb6midst.htm). |
The latter detailed review of scholarship and comparative argument formed the basis for my subsequent synthesis in the above cited book, Design, cf. my critique of unrepentant Callimacheanism in "The End of the Eclogues," a review article on W. Clausen, A Commentary on Virgil Eclogues (Oxford1994), Vergilius 41 (1995) 125-133. Erasure in this case conceals a pointed deconstruction of the sort of overly simple emphasis on Callimachus for which Meban faults Thomas.
Virgil's recursion to Tityrus in B. 6 must be read, I have long argued, intandem with the recursion to Meliboeus in B. 7. In this regard, I welcome Kuipers' admonition that Virgil "inhabits the voices of both Tityrus andMeliboeus--just as any author must inhabit all of his or her characters."Of course, in an ideal professional community, he might have credited thisview as articulated by the forum on prospective Forschungen: "VergilianScholarship in the Nineties," Vergilius 36 (1990), with the arguments ofChristine Perkell, underscored in my responses.
Due attention to the dyad,Tityrus/Meliboeus, would have corrected
Thomas's excessive focus on traces of Tityrus alone. Thomas could
benefit from the warning by Kuipers that"Vergil closes the Georgics by
repeating Eclogue 1.1 with the change "Isang you, Tityrus," this seems
best read not as "I sang as you, Tityrus"but "I sang of you (as Meliboeus)."
It is symptomatic of Thomas's tendency to erasure that he assigns the
grotto associated with Meliboeus by Virgil to the literary stemma
of Tityrus (p. 200).
A hint of the right method
lurks in Thomas's "proper (pre-Theocritean)locale of Arcadia" (though many
will recall that the locale of B. 7 isnotoriously not Arcadia but Mincius'
bank, in zona di Mantova, invaded by a mix of characters from elsewhere,
among them not one but two Arcadians, ofwhom one from the first idyll).
But the idea of Arcadia construed as a
"pre-Theocritean" locale by Virgil has been a leitmotif in my own studies
just cited.
I have argued that Virgil
aims to assert his own originative force over his chronological predecessor
by claiming to return to thesource. The crux is B. 10.1-4,..., Arethusa,...sic
tibi cum fluctussubterlabere Sicanos. The verb in future tense
places the address tothe nymph before her flight to Sicily, hence in "the
proper (pre-Theocritean) locale of Arcadia," not yet (notionally) in Sicily
whereDaphnis dying in the first idyll can address her before summoning
Pan fromArcadia to take back his invention, the pastoral pip.
For the most recent discussion
of the intertextual net, that reaches also to Ovid, see John Van Sickle,
"Staging
Vergil's Future and Past," CJ 92 (1997) 213-215. Critics go
so far as to down-play the importance of Arcadia for Virgil because they
fail to recognize how he exploits Arethusa
and Pan, those
two Arcadian traces in the first idyll. Virgil in fact retrojects himself,
at the climax of his book, back to the time and place of bucolic origins,
imposing Gallus in the stead of Daphnis, not thus erasing,
to be sure, but overshadowingTheocritus and putting Arcadia on the West's
imaginative map.