FOR THE FIRST TIME DE SAPIO LOSES A BATTLE

The first battle, or, should we say, the first skirmish between the Irish and the Italian factions ended on February 1, 1961, with the defeat of Carmine De Sapio. It is not a final defeat, but it is a red flag. Defections among his allies indicate that the rats are sensing that the ship may be in danger of sinking and are hurrying to jump onto another boat. The skirmish did not directly involve De Sapio and the faction that wants to get rid of him; rather, it was between De Sapio and New York’s Mayor Robert Wagner. Wagner has distanced himself from De Sapio (to whom he owes his election) only recently and, as is his style, after a long hesitation. The clash did not happen in the name of De Sapio’s adversaries, the so-called Reformists, but as a show of force between the mayor and De Sapio. It was a little like two fighters who, before a match, sit down at a table and, almost as a game, start arm wrestling. They clasp their hands together, place the elbows on the table and, both smiling and clenching their jaws, try to win the opponent’s resistance. Naturally around the table there gathers a small crowd of experts and friends, quiet and fully vested in the outcome. When the match is over, they spread the news. And now the news is out: Carmine De Sapio did not prevail in choosing the Manhattan deputy mayor. He was sure he had the votes, but, surprisingly, he lost. Rumors have it that De Sapio was betrayed by Daniel S. Weiss.[1] I don’t know this individual personally, but it seems to me he is equipped with very long antennas and sensitive political radar. Carmine De Sapio is the secretary of Tammany Hall, the Democratic Organization of New York County. Basically he is the party’s puppeteer in New York while Wagner is the city’s mayor. Now, the Democratic system in America presents some feudal characteristics, namely loyalty to the leaders by the subordinates and protection of the subordinates by their leaders. These relationships are not codified by law but by culture and tradition and as such they are even more relevant. Elected officials have the power of appointment for several positions. President Kennedy, for instance, will have six thousand positions to fill, many of which are highly coveted. If Kennedy were to anoint De Sapio as his representative in New York, the latter would have at least some say in the president’s local appointments. Again, this is not a codified role, but all presidents, with few exceptions, would be careful not to appoint anyone who has not been approved or proposed by his representative in the New York area. But now that the power of patronage is no longer in De Sapio’s hands there is no reason to fear him and, consequently, De Sapio might disappear from the map of power. A boss is a boss only as long as he can dole out appointments and command obedience. (Usually he bestows onto his under-bosses the privilege of choosing or approving second-tier appointments, just like in Charlemagne’s[2] era.) It so happened recently that Mayor Wagner revolted against De Sapio and wanted it to be known that he, not De Sapio, is the boss in charge of patronage. Apparently the move succeeded. Politics is a cruel and cynical activity and even President Kennedy in several recent cases showed that powerful allies can be used and later dumped without second thoughts, providing examples worthy of Machiavelli’s[3] the best pages. Before the presidential election, Kennedy came to New York and sent his brother [Robert] to mend the rip between De Sapio (and other Italian American bosses) on one side, and the Reformist faction (Irish-Anglo Saxon, Jewish) on the other. Nobody knows what kind of promises he was instructed to make on behalf of the president. What is known is that, as soon as Kennedy won the primary election, he threw De Sapio overboard (in a classy way, of course). The margin of Kennedy’s win in New York took everybody by surprise. The victory was due to De Sapio’s support, in opposition to the Reformists who endorsed Adlai Stevenson^[4] in the primary election. Nobody can be certain, but it is arguable that without De Sapio’s machine Kennedy would not have won the nomination. But electoral gratitude only lasts until Election Day. Once on shore, we pray no more.[5]

The Reformists have now been fighting De Sapio for the last two years. Their leaders are Senator Herbert Lehman^[6] (Jewish, highly respected), Ms. [Eleanor] Roosevelt[7] (Anglo Saxon) and Thomas Finletter,^[8] a lawyer (probably Irish). What are their accusations against De Sapio? That he is a boss and a dictator; that he does not use democratic methods; that he chooses unworthy people based not on merit but on their loyalty in dirty-politics affairs. That is exactly De Sapio’s idea of politics: forget about the character and competence of the candidates to be elected and protected. What matters is that they act like foot soldiers, obedient and loyal servants of the organization. Until recently the Reformist faction did not have what it takes to attract a majority of party members and elect its members to positions of leadership at the precinct level. De Sapio used to laugh at the Reformist agenda, but with the election of President Kennedy the situation has changed. Soon after he took office, Kennedy clearly indicated his preference for the Anglo-Saxon, Jewish and Irish reformist faction. Among the various appointments one was particularly significant: Thomas Finletter, one of the leaders of the De Sapio’s opposition, was appointed Ambassador to NATO, a plum job that was given out without even bothering to notify De Sapio. The mayor, who until that moment had maintained a balanced distance between the two factions despite the fact that he owed his election to De Sapio, when he saw this, took a decisive position against one of De Sapio’s candidates and managed to get his own man elected. Among those who control the elections in the electoral clubs in New York as well as in other parts of the United States where the Italian vote dominates, there is widespread suspicion that Kennedy does not like Italians. Many have complained that Kennedy has not appointed a single Italian American to a high-level position. (Several years ago I asked a Catholic bishop how come Italian American clergymen were excluded from the top echelons of the American church. He answered: “Do you know any who are actually able and worthy of being bishops?”) In a report from Washington published by Il Progresso Italo-Americano[9] on January 8, the rabble-rouser Drew Pearson[10] wrote: “People begin to notice that President-elect Kennedy has yet to nominate an Italian American to a high position. This is causing resentment among the Italian-American [sic] leaders who have worked tirelessly for the Kennedy-Johnson[11] ticket. Among them are Mike De [sic] Salle,[12] Governor of Ohio, one of the first politicians to endorse Kennedy; Tommy D’Alessandro[13] [sic], the former mayor of Baltimore who convinced Maryland Governor Millard Tawes[14] to withdraw his candidature and bow to Kennedy; Cleveland’s mayor Anthony Celebrezze,[15] credited with the landslide victory for Kennedy in his city; and Louis Mariani[16] [sic], mayor of Detroit, who contributed to Kennedy’s victory in Michigan. In addition, in New York there is Carmine De Sapio, the boss of Tammany Hall, who worked hard—at least during the campaign—for the Kennedy-Johnson ticket alongside former Governor Lehman and Tom Finletter. De Sapio buried the hatchet but rumors circulating in Kennedy’s headquarters are sending the message that he should be ignored. The issue has been discussed recently when Carl Soresi (a Washington-based Italian American journalist with an important role in the office of ethnic minorities in Kennedy’s electoral committee) was mentioned as a possible candidate for head of the consular division of the State Department. The position, which is far from being the most desirable, deals with all the U.S. consular offices abroad and the issuing of entry visas. Years ago, during the Eisenhower administration, the Republican Edward Corsi,[17] former labor commissioner of the state of New York, was appointed assistant to Scott McLeod, who was director of the consular division. Several Italian American congressmen, including Peter Rodino [18] of Newark, N.J., have come out in favor of Soresi. However, it is reported that the Kennedy clan holds the opinion that all Italian Americans are “Appalachig [sic].”[19]

A very authoritative Boston weekly, the Gazzetta del Massachusetts[20] (despite the Italian name the publication is written primarily in English) attributed Kennedy’s negative attitude toward Italian Americans to his political fight against Governor Furcolo[21] (January 13). “It is not a secret that Italian Americans have voiced their criticism of President Kennedy for the exclusion of representatives of this powerful voting block from the team he has assembled to govern the nation. How can one reconcile the fact that not even one Italian American has been mentioned as possible candidate for high office, with the other fact that Italian American voters have contributed so much to Kennedy’s election…” etcetera. In Sons of Italy Times,[22] another similar publication, on January 16 [1961] I found an ironic letter to the editor from an Italian American reader: “I noticed with great interest that, once again…. Italians came out looking like the usual dumb Bertoldo,[23] the nickname they were given—deservedly—years ago. I looked far and wide in the newspapers for news that a Salvatore or a Pasquale has been nominated to this or that position. It goes without saying that the administration has demonstrated the willingness to take into account other minorities, like blacks and Jews. Well, in the end we can still console ourselves with spaghetti, pizza, Joe Bellino[24] and Frank Sinatra.”[25]

These examples document the state of mind of people of Italian descent who believe that official positions are not to be assigned based on merit, but rather as shares of the loot stolen from the enemy. I am not condemning Italians.[26] Even in the Italian democracy, before Fascism, several regions complained that they were neglected if none of their representatives was part of the government. In America instead of regions there are races. Better yet: in addition to regions there are races and religions. In the end, because of all these complaints, a college professor from New York, Edward D. Re,[27] was appointed under secretary of Health and Human Services. Also, an accountant with an Italian name was appointed by the central administration. Still noteworthy is the exclusion of the most prominent Italian American politicians.

New York, February 12, 1961

P.S. In July 1962, President Kennedy appointed a notable individual of Italian origin to the important position of secretary of Health and Human Services: Anthony Celebrezze, famous for his nine scandal-free years as mayor of Cleveland. He is an honest politician, raised in a shack in a poor neighborhood, the ninth of thirteen children of an Italian family from Anzi (in the province of Potenza,[28] in Calabria [sic]). He was born in Italy where his parents had returned for a temporary stay. His appointment is due primarily to his active participation in the Democratic Party where he supported the Kennedy candidature against Stevenson.