From Southern Italy to Southern USA:
A Reminiscence


 

The last part of the nineteenth century and the first of the twentieth, many thousands of Italians from the “mezzo giorno,” from Sicily, from all parts of Italy came hopefully to the US. Al­though many of these were “contadini” attached to vast land holdings with their “padroni” overlords, others were textile mill workers, and still others common laborers and small farmers. Within this last group I would include both the paternal and ma­ternal sides of my own family.

On my Father’s side, my Grandfather farmed a small plot of land near Senigallia. Senigallia is a small agricultural town, somewhat north of Ancona, on the east coast of a peninsula on the Adriatic Sea. My Mother’s people came from a town very near there, called Montemarciano. Here my Mother’s father, Arturo Boldreghini, kept a small chicken farm, but mostly made his living as a shoemaker. Although both of my parents came from towns very close to one another, they did not come to know each other until they had immigrated to America. Here they met for the first time as adults, in of all places, the American South, in Memphis, Tennessee.

My Mother, as her brood of little ones grew during the l920s and l930s, was a great teller of tales about her early life. With her children as an audience, she would frequently relate stories, epi­sodes, experiences of her childhood in Italy. She would regale us with tales of how the Italian women would meet at the town’s well, where they would gather water for their homes, and how it was the center of all the town’s gossip. How, she would go on, they would go to the Adriatic shores to wash their linens and per­sons; of the beauty of the surf and sand. “Il Mare,” she would say dreamily, full of nostalgia for her land and her youth. She told how she learned to wring the necks of chickens to prepare them for the market; of how her many brothers became apprentice shoemakers to her father; and of her schooling and of the church and religious life in Montemarciano. For, as we later learned, the Catholic Church in America was for these immigrants the source of all activity and relief. It was not only their escape from a hostile outer world, but a one sure and lasting tie to the old world. For them, there were two things to live for: their church and the future of their children. It is difficult for the generations that followed them to realize this closeness; their children were, in general, in­different to religious life.

At the outset, we can see molding and shaping occurring here; the mother as story teller; the son as reader and teacher of stories (literature) and as a writer. My father however had no such tales; he had come to America when he was only four. His first memo­ries were of cotton fields in Mississippi, of the many Blacks who worked them, and of a primitive country school. A school that he and his brothers, after a few sessions, refused to attend, and were left with no formal education of any kind at all.

At any rate, as matters worsened in Italy economically, as the population was fast growing and improverished Italy had neither industry or business to accommodate it, both the Montesis and the Boldreghinis came to the US.

As for my mother’s family, how they traveled from Ancona to Genoa, I have never been able to determine. Surely it must have been by rail. Once in Genoa, my mother’s family left that seaport town in the l880s or early l890s from Ponte Vecchio. On one occa­sion I found myself in that very seaport town trying to retrace their footsteps as they prepared to embark for America under cir­cumstances that I will relate later. But the Ponte Vecchio is no longer in use, and has been replaced by a new pier.

Once aboard their ship, as my mother repeatedly told this ac­count so that it became more of a ceremony than a recounting, they were massed with hundreds of others in the bottom hold of the ship where they experienced cramming, disease, and vermin to such an extent that the voyage was frequently unbearable.

Despite these miserable conditions, the voyage was not alto­gether grim as she would repeatedly point out. She was sixteen or thereabouts when she was traveling; and there was a brief en­counter with some ship’s steward or sailor. He was very attentive, and would bring her little gifts of food whenever she would go above deck to sit and watch the sea or read the novel that she brought with her.

For although Mother functioned feebly in the English tongue, she loved the Italian language and its literature. Later as a member of the newly established Italian community in Memphis, she wrote letters home for those Italians who could not write. Moreo­ver, I was named Albert after some character she had encountered in Italian fiction. Again there is the influence of the Mother-figure and the son’s later career as a teacher of literature.

Finally they arrived in New York harbor, and stood in awe and admiration of the newly constructed Statue of Liberty (completed and dedicated in 1896) that greeted them as they came into the city’s waters. Yet the relief of finally ending their brutal sea voy­age was tempered by the fear that they might not pass their offi­cial inspection at the newly established immigration center, called Ellis Island.

And these fears became reality when on being checked out as a group by the Ellis Island doctors, the mother of the brood, Mama Boldreghini, was found to have some disease of the eyes, probably glaucoma. Having been rejected, she was being sent back to Italy. Shocked and miserable, the family could hardly bear this bad turn of events. They could not envision life of any sort without their mother; but they finally realized that they must separate. How­ever, promises were made that once they were economically es­tablished in the new world and money could be obtained for medical treatment for her eyes, they would send for Mother Boldreghini. However, because of their economic struggle during their early years in America, they never did send for their beloved Mother, who finally died a few years after her rejection.

In my childhood home in Memphis, Tennessee, there was an item of furniture in the living room, called a library table. Placed conspicuously upon it was a photograph of my Grandmother Boldreghini. This photo remained there throughout the years; my own mother, turning to it frequently, would recount the days on Ellis Island to her small children. And weeping she would con­clude with, “I never saw Mama again.”

The next step in my Mother’s odyssey was to travel from New York to Helena, Arkansas. For it was here, at a cotton mill, that the entire family worked for a time, paying off to the mill’s owners their passage fare to America. Years later (in San Francisco, after the 1991 earthquake) when I gave a paper at an American Italian Historical Association conference, I came upon a civil servant, who represented the Italian Government. He was in the States, tracing the labor conditions of early Italian immigrants. He knew very well of the cotton mill at Helena, Arkansas. It was notorious for working these early immigrants for months for their meager passenger money. He even pointed out that the Italian govern­ment of that day had sent a protest through their embassy for the gross maltreatment of these exploited workers. Surprisingly enough, in all the tales told by my Mother about these early days, no mention was ever made by their long internment in Helena, Arkansas. The agent pointed out that the people from my parents’ area, the Marche, were particularly gullible in these matters; that they were easily taken in by these recruiters. But my Mother never alluded to this event in any manner suggesting exploitation. This acceptance must have come from the fact that my people were so happy to get to the States, that they had no sense at all that they were being exploited.

In time, they left Helena, and went on to the nearest large city, which happened to Memphis. They were attracted to this town by the fact that a large community of Italian Americans had already settled there. We know that a similar community had grown up across the Mississippi in Arkansas. These Southern Italians were in a sense rare; most immigrants of their national roots had re­mained in eastern cities. Mills of the sort that had existed in He­lena, Arkansas, must have been responsible in great part for these Italians’ arrival and settlement in the American South. In Mem­phis, the oldest son, my uncle Earnest, opened a small shoe shop, and by degrees Charlie and Sam, Mother’s two other brothers, also became shoemakers with their own modest shops.

Memphis, at first sight, seemed to welcome the Italians with open arms. From the middle of the last century to the present, the city of Memphis, Tennessee has not been without significant Ital­ian-American leadership. As the record plainly shows, as early as the 1870s, fraternal organizations had begin to form with their members limited to Italians alone (Societa di Unione e Fratellanza Italiana, 1870; the Societa di Mutuo Succoroso Vittorio Emauele, l905; and the Italian Society in l936). City and county elected offi­cials of Italian descent included Frank L. Monteverde, who had been mayor of Memphis from 1918 to 1919; and several members of the State Legislature: Joseph Montedonico, a leading banker, who once headed an all-Italian Memphis bank; Paul Croce, a labor official; and John Gabella, a leading lawyer.

There were also Italians who had been selected as honorary Italian consuls, a distinction sought by may. These included: Gino Pierotti, a city official; Ronald Arata, a lawyer; and Mario Chiozza, a restaurateur. I note these facts because these were the positive sides of Italian-American relationship in this city. I will note the negative sides later. [1]

To continue my narrative about my family, I will now turn to my Father’s people and their early arrival in the States. My Fa­ther’s relatives by some method, which was never entirely clear to me, acquired a small farm in Shelby County, Mississippi, where three of the sons, my uncles Fred and Joe and my Dad were raised. Since they were needed on the farm, and because, as I have indicated, their school was so unrewarding, they received no schooling whatsoever. However, they were self-taught readers and writers of their adopted language. And even though my Un­cle Fred Montesi became a most successful grocery magnate, whose name became a household term in Memphis homes, he did so without any formal training.

My Uncle acted, however, as somewhat of a polar opposite to my father, who was not very successful economically. Aleco, as my father was called, was the youngest son—both overprotected and over-bossed. And while my father was the best of all possible men, he did not cut as great a figure as did my Uncle Fred. My Uncle Fred at one time was the owner of seventy grocery chain stores, and later vied with Clarence Sanders, one of the pioneer creators of the supermarket, for control of the grocery business in Memphis. Clarence Sanders was the founder of the old Piggly-Wiggly grocery chain and is remembered in Memphis for his so-called ex-mansion, the “Pink Palace.” The “Palace” is now a Memphis museum. So we can well see that the Montesi boys did manage rather well in any language interchange.

However, my Father drank, and even though he worked for my Uncle in a meager job with a meager salary, he was constantly being fired by my Uncle. At the outset, then, because I loved my Dad so much and because we lived in the shadow of a great for­tune, my sympathies from the very beginning were with the un­derdogs, the failures, and the classes that represented them.

Yet despite the fact that on the surface, Italians were accepted without reservations into Memphis society, there were sinister sides to this arrangement as well. Despite the fact that the newly arrived immigrants were able to secure an economic toehold in this Southern city, they were indeed outsiders to the community at large. There was even at this early time, an Italian elite, which I have indicated, an Italian middle class, and an Italian bottom class. Among this bottom class was my own family as they strug­gled to establish themselves in the new world. While many of the Italians in the South worked as sharecroppers, railroad workers, and factory hands until they were self-supporting, many of those settling around Memphis became truck farmers or textile workers. In time some of them became solvent and returned to their home­land, but most remained in their new country to raise their fami­lies. However, since they were doubly alienated from the larger Southern community by being not only Italian but Catholic, they formed little social groups of their own. It was at one of these closed events, a dance of sorts, that my Mother and Father met and began a courtship that finally ended in marriage.

Despite their ostracism from the larger Southern community, the exiled Italians were not entirely starved for culture. They lived among Americans, but they seldom saw their lifestyle as some­thing to be obsessively copied. They also felt intuitively that art must play an important part in every man’s life. They, therefore, bought early Enrico Caruso recordings on their heavy disks and played them by the hour to their children; sang, as did my Aunt Josie, arias from all the operas; and read and told old-world stories and legends to their children in their beloved Italian tongue. As for popular culture, they played the violin and accordion on their “Italian Hour” during the early days of radio in order to reconcile the community at large to the Italian world. I am certain that these attitudes marked many of my future paths and beliefs as to cul­ture and art.

But the outer world, on occasion, was not only indifferent and hostile to their isolated life-world, it could suddenly turn ugly and brutal to these “foreigners” indeed. I can recall instances in my own boyhood, living as we did in a working-class neighborhood, when the Klan would place burning crosses in front of St. Thomas Church. Our little parish church saw other indignities as well: a black was ostentatiously lynched in a vacant lot nearby. This bar­barous deed was performed to warn both the immigrant commu­nity and the black one to keep their place.

In an effort to provide a shield between us and the culture at large, the Italians, as I have said, created their own little ghettos. And later we combined with other Catholic minorities, the Irish and some Poles, to enjoy Irish-Italian carnivals and Polish church suppers. As time went on, the immigrants created their own Catholic Club, housed in a very enormous and opulent building in downtown Memphis. Moreover, from this class, lawyers, doctors, and other professionals began to appear regularly in the town with Italian last names. As the years passed on, the Italians be­came not only major public figures in Memphis, but in the entire South. But an era was dying and a new generation supplanted the old one. At this crossing of generations, the Italian past was either ignored, deliberately neglected, or even scorned by these second tier of Italian Americans. How this considerable denial of the great heritage of Rome and Italy came about demands some explana­tion.

As I have related, the patrician Southern world of Memphis, the group that held the old city together, seldom admitted a “dago” to its ranks. And the children of these immigrants, feeling the compulsion to belong to the new world of America, began to look at this upper class for guidelines as to how they could enter this world and be accepted in it. As I personally review my own history in that city, I am aware of a vague but persistent sense of alienation and my determination to eschew all matters that were old-worldish Italian and to become totally Americanized. If I were to become totally Americanized, I must have thought then, the feeling of being an outsider would finally disappear.

Since in those remote days, the populace did not adopt the fashions of the bottom class (as we do today: male earrings, jeans, and “kinky hair,” and leather dress from ethnic or cultural out­laws) but turned to the upper classes for role modeling. A young member of the immigrant society would perforce have to turn to the squirearchy of cotton and plantation owners for his role mod­els and ego-ideals. He must ape this class if he were to fit properly into its ranks.

Years later, after the post-WW2 prosperity, when a more toler­ant non-Waspish America began to emerge, it became fashionable and even “au courant” to trace one’s roots. It was demanded by those deracinated to look more closely at one’s heritage, at one’s ethnic and cultural background, no matter how despised it might have been. In this great rush of guilt and self-condemnation, many recanted their contempt for the Old World and realized at last that they had canceled out a rich past. But at that early time, a student entering the American schools was encouraged by his parents to speak only English. In this manner, he soon foolishly neglected and soon forgot the language of his parents. Further, when he en­tered the environment of his elementary school, the need to con­form meant the eradication of all things old-worldly. Today when we decry the “disunification of America,” and some find that the melting pot theory was a myth, we must remember in those early days, that blending into the American sensibility was a norm and the “summum bonum” for all. So with myself who could think in Italian before school, if it could be said that I could think at all be­fore six, and was barely able to use the language after my indoc­trination.

Well, how did my education fare under the guidance of the Wasp ascendancy, the Southern squirearchy, that ruled the Mid­dle South? As an impressionable child I became super-saturated with the Southern life-world. I experienced the Agrarian soul of the area, felt the grief of the post-Civil War malaise, listened to the inspired preachers of Bible Belt persuasion, and admired the country-western music that even then bellowed out of Nashville. I was indeed a true-blue Southerner: one who aped assiduously all the clichés, bromides, and shibboleths of the Southern patricians, meeting them on the common ground of art and literature, sub­jects that I hungrily devoured.

For this was the period of the Southern Renaissance; of a flow­ering of letters in the South that was unequaled in the rest of the country. William Faulkner was writing out of Oxford, Mississippi; the Agrarians were expounding in poetry and tract the disap­pearing values of the Old South at Vanderbilt; and Katherine Ann Porter, Eudora Welty, Carson McCullers, and Tennessee Williams were just starting out. Later I was to do my doctoral thesis on the Agrarians’ major periodical, “the Southern Review,” which was published out of Louisiana State, under the editorship of Cleanth Brooks and Robert Penn Warren. There was a good reason for a young English major to be attracted to all this excitement and fer­ment in an area that was considered barbaric and dying. One of my best friends in Memphis was the Agrarian poet, George Mar­ion O’Donnell, who with Randall Jarrell and Tennessee Williams, was published in the New Directions series of young American poets.

However, although the Agrarians were my aesthetic models, their political views were hardly my own. They were for the most part traditional and reactionary in their political stances. Although Red Warren tried in his late career to do justice to the Negro in his essays and books, his first articles were hardly pro-Black. (See “I’ll Take My Stand.”) My position toward the Black in my early life, and now, I believe, was tempered by my Catholic and Christian beliefs. One simply did not maltreat another human being, no matter his gender, color, or race.

I can name incident after incident from my youth in which I was enraged by what I saw by way of barbarous treatment of the Black. I saw at the grocery stores where I worked episodes in which Blacks were caught stealing. They were often taken to the back of the store, stripped, and beaten until they dropped. I saw stupid country rubes run black women off of street cars because they responded brashly to some of their stupid demands. I saw educated Blacks refuse to return to the back of streetcars when requested by the motormen. I saw a vigilante group chase down a black man on a hot Sunday afternoon, putting bullet after bullet into the his body through the door of a closet where he had tried to hide. I was only ten then but when I protested I was told quickly to shut my ugly mouth. Soon, as I grew older, I took to riding with the Blacks in the back rows of streetcars. Moreover as my private war against the injustices that I saw in the American South progressed, I, in the abstract, toyed with several socialist and radical stances. I was accused of being too radical and too revolutionary in what I wrote in my “blackboard newspaper” in my high school. But as I was at war with what I considered un­fairness in the American judicial system, I felt very pure, smug, and righteous indeed. I was a rebel with a cause.

So as a youth, I sought allegiances with lynched Blacks, with despised poor Irish and Italians, with Catholics in a Bible Baptist South, with poor impoverished whites, with labor over manage­ment, with my poor butcher Father over my rich super-market Uncle. Surely my present attitudes toward the poor and the un­fortunate of the world were greatly influenced and shaped by these early beliefs and experiences. And to be sure, I am totally delighted that I have remained so. I, being like Sir Leslie Stephen, who was unable to believe in anything otherworldly, but none­theless believed firmly in morality.[2]

However, now, I no longer naïvely romanticize the victim—those who live by the street finally die by the street. But I am still romantic about the future and well-being of the human race, de­spite their shortcomings and their reptilian brains, and about this I have not changed my views since my firebrand adolescence.

During my youth, one of my best friends, an older woman, named Ann Covington, conducted a salon to which were attracted college professors, wild radicals of the Red Party, publishers, po­ets, and all sorts of interesting people. Immersed in this world of the mind, I entirely blocked out the world of my parents. For to us, our parents were considered old-fashioned and conservative because they refused to forsake certain Old-World habits and be­liefs.

There, then, is a rough summary of my early years. I am puz­zled still as to how to put a tag on it. Let me say that I do feel that I have remained a good democrat through my adult life, not in the party sense, but in the “people” sense. That this was shaped by my conditioning in my youth: by my immigrant parents, by the poverty of my father and the richness of my Uncle; by the fact that most people in the South during that period were an underclass, economically handicapped by an area that had very little money and prospects or none at all—must go without saying. But I must add that the mind looks at all political stances, at all ideologies, at all cultural and aesthetic activities as provisional and compro­mised. It is this last attitude, I believe, that more than any other printmarked my teaching and learning career.[3]

 

 

 

 



[1]Joe Brady, “Italian Heritage,” brochure printed by the Memphis/Shelby County Library System, 1985.

[2]Quoted in the New York Times (June 10, l992): Op-Ed section.

[3]Jaroslav Pelikan, The Idea of the University (New Haven: Yale UP, l992) in passim.