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The Politics of
Waging War:
Patriots, Loyalists, Outsiders
Pulling down the statue of King George III in New
York City (William Walcutt, 1854)
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Reading:
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OVERVIEW:
The Continental Congress was already acting as a de facto government once
the shooting began in 1775. With the decision for independence the
political stakes became higher and the challenges more complex. Politics
involved struggles in three areas:
| among the patriots themselves (between
radicals and moderates and among regions) |
| between patriots and loyalists (this was also
a civil war) |
| with outsiders - people on the periphery of
power- Native Americans, enslaved
and free African-Americans, women and men in dependent status.
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PATRIOTS IN POLITICS
STRUCTURE OF POLITICS IN THE
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
| Interest Blocks in the Congress
| Pre-Congress link between Virginia &
Massachusetts link in 1770 (Arthur Lee and Sam Adams) |
| Sectional differences between north and
south and the ambiguous position of delegates from middle states all
created political tensions in the Congress |
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| Over the years the power shifted
| 1774-1779: Eastern (North East) ascendance
with New England playing major role. They were regular in attendance
and had long tenures. |
| 1780-1783 - Power shifts to middle states.
Key administrative posts played a part. |
| 1784-1787 - Southern delegates led in
shaping policy |
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| No one sectional block had real majority;
intersectional coalitions were crucial |
| Changing circumstances of the Revolution
affected Congressional politics
| Early Phase had a high level of ideological
fervor: Republican Revolution would bring moral regeneration
| New England's newspapers and pulpits
played key roles. |
| Ideology of discontent reached highest
level in New England |
| Sam Adams looked for a reformation of
public morals that was not congenial with the secular liberalism of
Virginians like Jefferson. After 1776 an ideological separation
developed. |
| New England developed political views and
techniques early since that's where the resistance had started and
was strongest |
| New England delegates had reputation of
being the party of "virtuous republicans" with tendency towards
democracy contrasted with southern "elitists." |
| New England delegates were distrustful of
mixing public and private enterprise characteristic of Robert Morris
of Pennsylvania |
| Middle states delegates lined up sometimes
with New Englanders and sometimes with the southerners along social
and ideological lines. For example, in 1779 New York and southern
"gentlemen" often voted together while Pennsylvanian radicals sided
with New Englanders. These alignments became nucleus of national
political division between populist and elite interests. |
| New England radicalism also had a
conservative dimension. Their ideal of a Christian Sparta harked
back to 17th-century ideals of social and political order that
stressed denial more than opportunity and social order more than
mobility. New England radicalism with its Puritan heritage vs.
materialistic liberalism |
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| Second Phase: 1780-1783
| Vigorous British campaign in the South
required more efficient government. Quasi-executive committees meant
more concentration of power of talented and well-connected men like
Robert Morris, the financier. This brought some fears that a "new
aristocracy" was arising. |
| Rise of middle states "nationalists." |
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WAR GOVERNMENT
FACTIONS & THE CONDUCT OF A WAR GOVERNMENT
| Conway Cabal (1777-78): The harshness of
the winter at Valley Forge was made worse by the political
difficulties Washington experienced. Factions in Congress, envious
of military glory, fearful of an eventual military dictatorship,
resentful that a Virginian was commander of the Continental Army,
joined in an intrigue to replace Washington with the New England
hero of Saratoga, General Horatio Gates.
| Fear of Regular Army and the Militia as
symbol of democratic ideals.
| Weaknesses of the militia system: "the
Vexation I have experienced from the Humours and
intolerable Caprice of Militia, at a critical time . . . I
solemnly declare I never was a witness to a single instance that
can countenance an opinion of Militia or raw troops being fit
for the real business of fighting." (G. Washington) |
| The rivalry between the army and
militia touched Congress where civilian officials were
often fearful of military leaders
| Since Congress made military
appointment officers looked to Philadelphia for preferment. |
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| Congress dispatched committee members
to investigate military issues and complaints. They also wanted
a direct hand in military decisions, but the press of business
made that impossible. The established a Board of War for this
business. Until 1777 is was composed entirely of Congress
members. |
| Some congressmen, especially
Dr. Benjamin Rush, were wary of Washington. In fall
1777 Rush inspected the army. He scathingly criticized officers
and men and went on to say of the commander-in-chief: ". . .
this uniformed mob [was commanded by a man who had been]
outgeneraled . . . outwitted and twice beaten [by reason of his]
ignorance, idleness, and blunders." [John C. Miller, Triumph of
Freedom: 1775-1783, pp. 247-48]
| Attempt to replace Washington with
Horatio Gates, hero of Saratoga while most Congress members
were away.
| Thomas Conway wrote a letter to
Gates suggesting he would make a better commander than
Washington. |
| Gates was known to be an admirer
of the militia |
| Conway's letter was leaked by
James Wilkenson |
| In the winter of 1777-78 there was
a move to humiliate Washington in the hope of removing him
from command. |
| The Board of War was reorganized
with Gates, Thomas Mifflin and Conway as members.
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| Congress adopted Gates' plan to
invade Canada without consulting Washington.
| The invasion plan proved
unworkable, embarrassing Gates and Washington's enemies in
Philadelphia |
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| The "plot" failed by spring, 1778
| The Army stood firmly behind the
commander |
| Paine published The Crisis
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| Deane-Lee Affair (1778)
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LOYALISTS
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Loyalists may have constituted
between twenty percent to a third of the population of the
American colonies during the war. They were not confined to
any particular group or class, but their
numbers were strongest among the following
groups:
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officeholders and others who served the British crown
and had a vested interest in upholding its authority
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Anglican clergymen and their parishioners
in the North
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Quakers
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German religious sects
and other conscientious pacifists
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large landholders,
especially in the North, and wealthy merchant
groups in the cities whose businesses and
property were affected by the war.
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Common Trait: A conservative
orientation and a deep devotion to Britain and the crown.
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Many Loyalists at
first urged moderation in the struggle
for colonial rights and were only driven into active Loyalism by radical
fellow colonists who denounced as Tories all
who would not join them.
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Most numerous in New York,
Pennsylvania and the South, but were not a majority in any colony. New
York was a stronghold and had more loyalists than any other colony. New
England had fewer than any other section
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The Loyalists did not rise as a body to support
the British army, but individuals did join the army or
form their own guerrilla units. New York alone furnished about 23,000
Loyalist troops, perhaps as many as all the
other colonies combined.
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Congress recommended repressive measures against
the Loyalists, and all states passed severe laws
against them, usually forbidding them from holding office, disenfranchising
them, and confiscating or heavily taxing their
property.
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Beginning in March 1776, approximately 100,000
Loyalists fled into exile. (This
was between 3 and 4 percent of the total number of settlers in the
colonies, which is estimated at 2,500,000
- 3,000,000 during the
Revolutionary period.) The largest portion of those who fled
ultimately went to Canada, where the British government provided them with
asylum, compensating them for losses in
property and income and paying pensions to Loyalist officers.
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The Revolution as a civil war
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Loyalists and Loyalism in the American Revolution - a lesson from
Ohio State University, complete with documents and a game simulation on
choosing sides.
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Black
Loyalists
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The religious dimension is
illustrated by the role of clergy. Look at
Peter
Oliver’s essay attacking whig
clergy. Anglican minister
Charles
Inglis proposed a way to reconcile British and local interests in
"The True Interest of American Impartially Stated," 1776. The whiggish
political cartoon,
"An Attempt to
Land a Bishop in America," can be examined in light of
Myles Cooper’s "Whip for the American Whig," which denounced
hostility to Anglicanism and constituted Parliamentary authority alike.
A political-religious argument can be examined also in one of the 1770
"Dougliad" essays. The pro-British cartoon,
"The Yankie
Doodles Intrenchment Near Boston 1776," similarly portrays "Cromwellian"
antecedents.
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OUTSIDERS Indians
and the American Revolution
The
War of Independence Through Seneca Eyes
Hearts and Minds
Antibastes
A
Woman Remembers the Revolutionary War
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